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M.Saeed
Pakistan
26 September, 2007
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Coupocracy--round two
Excepting North Korea, China and Cuba and a few regimes born out of the Mexican Revolution, there is no elected government which had not experienced military intervention into the government, after the second World War.. Even before the first World War, there was not a single internationally free country, which had experienced a military rule, except a few in Latin America states, where military coups were part of the tradition.
Generally in third world countries, military rulers are not willful dictators, but often came in genuinely in their efforts to clear up mess created by the corrupt governments. Mostly, they fail in their endeavors due to inexperience in civil governance. That is the reason why some military heads of states last very long. Conditions giving the slightest indication that those governments would fall into the wrong hands, brought in the American support and covert interventions. Local politicians being the adversaries, naturally had to be tackled through easily accessible military through various convenient deals. Such deals in fact heralds their marriage of convenience. This type of governance is now called, "Coupocratic Government", which is headed by a "good dictator", according to American definition. Musharraf came as an acceptable good dictator.
It would be recalled that, Z.A. Bhutto had prophesied in one of his overseas addresses that, for a long time to come, Coupocracy is going to be the only form of governance in most of the African and other third world countries. Bloodless counter-coups in a Coupocratic government being a difficult proposition, short civilian sojourns are provided as the necessary safe transition period.
President Musharraf has exactly fallen into the definition and therefore, is trying to shift into civilian sojourn, after utilizing his military quota. The system is very much in line with the above outlined procedure, openly planned and executed under the strict supervision of the covert planners, having noxious hidden agenda under various guises. In short, military politics, like military intelligence, tends to create political voids and then orchestrate to fill-in those voids with fancies, unthinkable from contemporary political forces. Under this arrangement, instability and insecurity are the greatest tools to achieve targets. |
Earthman
Pakistan
26 September, 2007
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Loot Sale of 3 stars and 4 stars-5
06 March, 2002
In the last week of January, the Pakistan Government made an innocuous announcement. It was about the promotion of 27 Brigadiers as Major Generals. Last year, 22 Brigadiers were similarly elevated. In all, there are 49 new Major Generals in the Pakistan Army today-an alarmingly high number for a comparatively smaller army.
Note: There are hundred of reports available on global level; even Indian scholars have more strategic and personal info about Pak Army in depth. This information is not a state secret; media is continuously reporting “who will be next politician in uniform”.
This month is a turning point in the history of Pakistan, whether uniformed sycophants will rule over Pakistan or Professional Army Generals will abide to their oath and will prefer to defend territory of Pakistan. If foreign lords will succeed in making Mush as Hosni Mubarik or Pinochet, then he will be next Gorbachov. It is significant to point out that Pak Army will be thrown in civil war. Fate of Pakistan is in the hands of Professional Generals and officers of Pak Army, whether those will act or let Pakistan die for ever.
Act now otherwise no body might omit destiny written on the wall.
Recently promoted and prequalified for higher posts are politicians in uniform, don't trust them for the defence of Pakistan, those are fit for mercenries and to act as private army for economical benefits.
International Professor-Pakistan
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Earthman
Pakistan
26 September, 2007
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Loot Sale of 3 stars and 4 stars-4
October 03, 2004
Appointments show Musharraf does not intend to shed uniform:
Gen Haq appointed JCSC chairman,
Gen Hayat VCOAS
President Musharraf has also made clear that he does not intend to hang up his uniform on December 31, 2004.
General Haq and General Hayat have superseded six lieutenant generals:
COS to the President Lt-Gen Hamid Javed, Gujranwala Corps Commander Lt-Gen Javed Hasan, NAB Chairman Lt-Gen Munir Hafiz, NDC Commandant Lt-Gen Tariq Waseem Ghazi, Multan Corps Commander Lt-Gen Muhammad Akram and Bahawalpur Corps Commander Lt-Gen SP Shahid.
Of the six superseded lieutenant generals, five are expected to seek pre-mature retirement while Lt-Gen Hamid Javed, who was given an extension for a year, would continue to work as COS to the President. Since Lt-Gen Javed never commanded a corps, the chances of his promotion were not bright. He is due to retire next year on October 4.
Lt-Gen Hafiz and Lt-Gen Hasan are due to retire on October 30, while Lt-Gen Ghazi on February 1, 2005, Lt-Gen Akram on April 16, 2005, and Lt-Gen Shahid on April 30, 2005. If the superseded lieutenant generals seek pre-mature retirement, the Multan, Bahawalpur and Gujranwala corps will also have new commanders.
http://www.dailytimes.com.pk/default.asp?page=story_3-10-2004_pg1_1
May 12, 2003
LFO draws a dangerous line
Top military appointments not ‘subject to law
ISLAMABAD: The top four military appointments made by the President, now strictly “in his discretion”, are not “subject to law” as previously provided in the Constitution, recent discussions about presidential powers under Article 243, concluded on Friday by the 11-member joint committee, have highlighted.
Legal experts point out that the LFO has drawn a line between the four appointments and the ordinary commissions granted by the President in the three military services. This line separates the members of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Committee from all other military recruitments, postings and promotions that are made under the Pakistan Army Act 1952 or its equivalent instruments for Navy and Air Force. The latest demarcation can cause some complications, caution legal experts. The LFO essentially sought to restore the Presidential discretion in these appointments that was deleted by the 13th Amendment to shift the power back to the Cabinet Room. But the redrafting has separated the grant of commissions and the highest appointments.
The exercise of powers by the President under this Article was “subject to law” for all the matters and functions listed in there. The Clause (2) of the Article earlier read as follows:
(2) The President shall subject to law, have power - (a) to raise and maintain the Military, Naval and Air Forces of Pakistan; and the reserves of such forces; (b) to grant commission in such forces; and (c) to appoint the Chairman, Joint Chiefs of Staff Committee, the Chief of the Army Staff, the Chief of the Naval Staff and the Chief of the Air Staff, and determine their salaries and allowances.”
In the LFO the above clause (c) was converted into a new Clause (3), thereby de-linking it from Clause (2) and the rider that conditions the exercise of power under or ‘subject to law’. The de-linking takes the Presidential discretion beyond the bounds of military law, though by default not design.
The same also applies to their salaries and allowances that the President can now determine beyond any law presently in force. As far remunerations, the four appointments will now fall in the category of functionaries given in Article 250. The Constitution had earlier given a sequence to military recruitments, commissions and promotions culminating in the four offices.
The pattern for military appointments is exactly the opposite to that preferred for Judiciary which starts with the Chief Justice of Pakistan and moves downwards. Late General Zia had inserted Clause (1A) in this Article to ensure his total grip and hold over the Armed Forces because Clause (1) gives the “control and command of the Armed Force” to the ‘Federal Government’. To demarcate his command from that of the Federal Government, Zia added the following elaboration through his Revival of the Constitution Order: “(1A) Without prejudice to the generality of the foregoing provision, the Supreme Command of the Armed Forces shall vest in the President.” The amendment during Nawaz Sharif era narrowly missed this crucial clause and it is still part of the Constitution.
The Supreme Court Judgment in Zafar Ali Shah Case did not rule or interpret as to where the power exactly stood in October ‘99. The Clause (1A) holds the key to the Article 243 but the LFO author seems to have ignored the basic framework of this article.
http://www.dailytimes.com.pk/default.asp?page=story_12-5-2003_pg7_34
See part 5
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